To the hard men who rule China, history is not written by the squeamish. Should Mr Xi order the People’s Liberation Army to take Taiwan, his decision will be shaped by one judgment above all: whether America can stop him. For 71 years Taiwan’s existence as a self-ruled island has relied on deterrence of Chinese aggression by America. True, Taiwan also benefited from a degree of Chinese patience, as China tried other gambits that might avoid war. Since the days of Deng Xiaoping, Chinese leaders have been binding Taiwan to the mainland economically. They have also tried to woo the Taiwanese public with promises of autonomy should they accept rule from Beijing, under the rubric of “one country, two systems”. That concept was transformed last year from dubious to empty by the crushing of civic freedoms in Hong Kong, a territory that was offered similar promises. But China is losing patience with “peaceful reunification”, and colder calculations have always mattered more. At root, China stayed its hand for fear that Taiwanese troops would hold it off until American rescuers arrived. America’s centrality to this stand-off is well-known to President Joe Biden and his foreign-policy aides, who are an experienced bunch. That is why, on the Biden administration’s fourth day in office, the State Department rebuked China for military, economic and diplomatic attempts to intimidate Taiwan, and declared America’s commitment to the island to be “rock solid”. In reality America’s ability to deter an invasion over Taiwan is crumbling. The main reason is China’s single-minded pursuit, over 20 years, of the advanced weapons and skills needed to keep American forces at bay. Another is Mr Xi’s sense of historical destiny, and his use of populist nationalism to bolster his authority—though nationalism also raises the costs of a botched attack. In some forums, American scholars and retired high officials have praised the Trump administration for approving more than $17bn in arms sales to Taiwan. They have also scolded Trump aides who used showy support for Taiwan as a way to provoke China, without thinking through risks to the island. Some scholar-diplomats, such as Richard Haass of the Council on Foreign Relations ( ), have urged America to end its policy of “strategic ambiguity”, which avoids making explicit pledges to respond to aggression against Taiwan. This vagueness is meant to discourage rash moves by Taiwanese politicians and avoid enraging China. Bonnie Glaser, an expert on Chinese and Taiwanese security at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies, a think-tank in Washington, says that the Biden administration is showing resolve when talking about China and Taiwan, because it is “very worried about the potential for accidents and miscalculation”. It is sobering to hear Ms Glaser, a well-connected scholar, express concerns about accidental clashes today, for instance between Chinese and Taiwanese aeroplanes or boats, and about the possibility of a deliberate military conflict five or ten years from now.https://www.economist.com/china/2021/02/20/china-faces-fateful-choices-especially-involving-taiwan
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In the absence of any National legal or standards requirements, many countries or regions have adopted LOLER and PUWER supported by equipment manufactured and certified in accordance with European standards and CE marked accordingly. Although supplying the incorrect documentation does not necessarily mean that the lifting equipment is unsafe, the customer would naturally question the competence of the people who have issued it. There are three main types of documents: Manufacturer’s Certificate; EC Declaration of Conformity (where European Standards plus LOLER & PUWER have been adopted); and Report of Thorough Examination (sometimes referred to as a ‘Periodic Inspection’ or a ‘Field Test Report’). The document that accompanies new lifting equipment was, in the past, often referred to as a ‘Test Certificate’. This document is applied in general when new items of lifting equipment were individually proof load tested to prove that they can carry the rated Working Load Limit. However, today, within European and increasingly within ISO standards, a greater emphasis is placed on quality control during manufacturing to ensure the necessary properties and requirements are met. Many below the hook lifting products are no longer individually load tested with a proof load, so the more fittingly named ‘Manufacturer’s Certificate’ has largely superseded the name ‘Test Certificate’. However, where tests are applied to the equipment during manufacture, the test results or load applied must be referred to within the Manufacturer’s Certificate. The information to be contained in the Manufacturer's Certificate is compulsory and is listed within the various product standards. Any manufacturer claiming to comply with the standard must issue that document and it should include: the name and address of the manufacturer or his authorised representative; the date of issue of the certificate; a signature or other authentication; the number (and part if applicable) of the standard; description of the item(s); and identification of the item(s). The manufacturer must also issue the document required by legislation. In Europe, the requirements are contained in the Machinery Directive. The original Directive dates back to 1992 and there were various amendments until it was replaced completely in 2006. The most recent Machinery Directive is 2006/42/EC. In the UK the legislation that implements the Directive is: “The Supply of Machinery (Safety) Regulations 2008”. The information required in that document is slightly different from that of the previous Directive, which is one reason why some manufacturers and suppliers are out of date. The ‘responsible person’ is whoever is responsible for placing the item on the market in the EEA. If the item is made in the EEA, that is the manufacturer.http://www.hoistmagazine.com/blog/documentation-requirements-for-manufacturers/